Independent civic-data analysis · May 2026
The Supreme Court's Callais v. Landry ruling clears the runway for ten Southern states to redraw congressional and legislative maps before 2028. This dashboard names the seats most exposed under each state's projected redraw and surfaces where civic-engagement work has the highest leverage.
Top of dashboard · Georgia first
Governor Kemp called a special session for June 17, 2026 to redraw Georgia's congressional and state legislative maps for 2028 and to address the July 1 voting-system deadline. Below are the four most plausible map scenarios under serious discussion, and the Georgia election-code background that determines what the General Assembly is and is not allowed to draw.
Crack the rural Black-majority 2nd Congressional District, one of the last in the Deep South. Bishop has held it for seventeen terms. Splitting Albany, Columbus, and Macon-Bibb across three GOP-leaning districts converts a reliable Black-voter pickup into a 10-4 Republican delegation.
Redraw GA-6, GA-7, and GA-13 to dilute Black and AAPI voters across Cobb, Gwinnett, and South Fulton. Some GOP strategists are urging caution because an aggressive metro redraw could dilute Republican margins in surrounding districts and create new vulnerability in 2028.
Reopen the 2023 court-ordered Alpha Phi Alpha state House and Senate maps that this same legislature was forced to redraw under Voting Rights Act findings. A second redraw in the same decade hands plaintiffs a strong pretext argument and signals that the General Assembly believes Callais shields them from accountability.
A narrower scenario where leadership pulls back to a single congressional target plus targeted state Senate seat-tightening. Lower legal exposure, lower partisan gain. Cited by GOP caucus moderates worried about overreach litigation and the optics of a World Cup-window special session under international press scrutiny.
Background · Why the election code matters
Map drawing in Georgia is governed by a stack of state constitutional, statutory, and federal rules. The contiguity and equal-population rules below are the most common state-law hooks for challenging a bad-faith mid-decade redraw, and they are why Common Cause Georgia is asking members to push for clearer continuous-maps language in any future Georgia Voting Rights Act.
Article III, Section II, Paragraph II requires that state legislative districts be composed of contiguous territory. A district drawn so that a voter cannot travel within the district without leaving and re-entering it is presumptively unconstitutional under Georgia law. Mid-decade carve-ups that produce tortured shapes are vulnerable here.
Ga. Const. art. III, § II, ¶ II
State legislative districts must be roughly equal in population under the Fourteenth Amendment. Georgia has its own controlling precedent in Larios v. Cox (N.D. Ga. 2004), which struck down a Georgia state legislative map for population deviations that systematically favored one party. Any special-session map that plays loose with population to engineer seats hits this rule.
Larios v. Cox, 300 F. Supp. 2d 1320 (N.D. Ga. 2004)
Prohibits practices that deny or abridge the right to vote on account of race. Narrowed by Louisiana v. Callais in 2025 to require a strong inference of intentional discrimination, but still live. The standard is exactly what LDF is litigating on remand in Alabama and what would govern a federal challenge to a Georgia mid-decade map.
52 U.S.C. § 10301
Article I, Paragraph II of the Georgia Constitution has independent force from the federal Fourteenth Amendment and is litigated in Fulton County Superior Court. State courts are not bound by federal Purcell-doctrine timing, which makes the state-court track a faster lane when the special session ends and the map is signed.
Ga. Const. art. I, § I, ¶ II
Georgia's election code does not require maps to remain in place for a full decade absent census-driven population change. It does not require pre-enactment public comment periods. It does not require independent commission review. And it does not give voters a private right of action against a discriminatory map in state court, the way California, New York, Connecticut, and Virginia state VRAs do.
O.C.G.A. Title 28, Chapter 2 (Reapportionment) and Title 21 (Elections)
A Georgia Voting Rights Act, modeled on SB 536 (Sen. Harold Jones II) and state VRAs already on the books elsewhere, would require maps to remain in place between censuses absent extraordinary justification, restore preclearance, add vote-dilution standards, guarantee language access, and give voters a private right of action in Georgia state court.
See SB 536, Henry McNeal Turner Voting Rights Act
Step 1 · Read the map
Each state is shaded by the projected loss of majority-Black and majority-Hispanic legislative districts. Click a state to see its congressional and state-legislature seat impact, plus four redistricting scenarios.
Step 2 · Compare the damage
Congressional projections from Fair Fight Action and Black Voters Matter's September 2025 report. State-legislature projections from their November 2025 follow-up. Numbers are modeled scenarios assuming GOP-controlled legislatures redraw aggressively after Callais.
| State | U.S. House: D → R shift | VRA-protected House seats at risk | Majority-Black state-lege seats lost | Majority-Hispanic state-lege seats lost | Next election |
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Step 3 · Georgia deep dive
Georgia is reportedly considering adding redistricting to a special session. Below are four plausible scenarios for the state's 14 congressional districts, and the bill that would harden state-level protections.
Sen. Harold Jones II (D-Augusta) introduced Georgia's state-level voting rights statute in February. It restores preclearance, adds vote-dilution standards, language access, and a private right to sue.
State VRAs reach state, local, and (where states control them) congressional maps drawn within the state. They cannot solve partisan gerrymandering of the U.S. House nationally — that requires federal action like the Freedom to Vote Act.
Step 4 · Georgia State Senate strategy
Fifty-six State Senate districts. Toggle between competitive-race signal and demographic layers to find the districts where civic pressure has the highest political return on a no-redraw vote.
Districts ranked by combined vulnerability and majority-minority share. These are seats where a town hall likely matters most.
Step 5 · Plug in
All events are hosted by Common Cause Georgia. Open in a new tab to register through Mobilize.
Read the Common Cause Callais analysis and the Henry McNeal Turner Voting Rights Act (SB 536) to ground your conversations in the legal stakes.
Recurring State Election Board observation program. Volunteers cover Wednesday and Friday SEB hearings in Cumming, GA. Training included.
Member meetings across the metro Atlanta counties most relevant to the at-risk districts modeled above.